I agree with Lawrence Solomon when he says that systemic racism exists. I'm afraid I have to disagree with his assessment as to who its perpetrators are.
The systemic racists aren’t the non-woke white majority, who typically deny that systemic racism even exists. Today’s systemic racists—successors to proponents in the formal slavery period that ended with the Civil War and its informal continuance under Jim Crow—are America’s woke whites.
These white liberals, though well-intentioned, are so blinded by their racism that they believe blacks can’t feed themselves and their families without food stamps, can’t succeed on their own merits without affirmative action programs, and can’t even manage to get voter ID to cast a ballot for the candidate of their choice.
White liberal prejudices are not necessarily intentional, nor are they systemic in themselves. Though they may be widely and sincerely held, liberal beliefs in the black stereotypes Mr. Solomon describes are the beliefs held by individuals. The deliberate reinforcement of those stereotypes by a Democratic party as a matter of political strategy is systemic racism, and there is nothing well-intentioned about it.
Mr. Solomon buttresses my argument with this:
President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society and War on Poverty initiatives in the mid-1960s created the sea change that stymied the rapid advancements of blacks in overcoming the shackles of centuries of slavery. The Harvard Business School would describe the 1900–1930 period as “The Golden Age of Black Business” in which enterprising blacks were thriving despite the wholesale bigotry in society at large. Over the entire first half of the 20th century, in fact, blacks were less likely to be unemployed than whites and when they were, they were likelier to be reemployed faster than their white counterparts.
Moreover, despite their high poverty rate, most blacks had middle-class values—82 percent lived in married, two-parent households; 40 percent were small-business owners; children sought and got good grades. Harlem was a low-crime, vibrant community where whites as well as blacks felt comfortable walking the streets at night.
All that would change following Johnson’s sweeping welfare reforms, which had the effect of putting people on the dole, discouraging the work ethic, fast-tracking the decline of the family, and in the words of Daniel Patrick Moynihan, an architect of the War on Poverty, of “defining deviancy down,” or normalizing what had previously been considered deviant behavior.
Before the passage of Johnson's Great Society and War on Poverty legislation, the worst of white racism was manifested in murderous attacks on black communities when the threat of black prosperity became more than whites could tolerate. The Tulsa Race Massacre was one such incident.
The false belief that a large-scale insurrection among Black Tulsans was underway, including reinforcements from nearby towns and cities with large African American populations, fueled the growing hysteria.
As dawn broke on June 1, thousands of white citizens poured into the Greenwood District, looting and burning homes and businesses over an area of 35 city blocks. Firefighters who arrived to help put out fires later testified that rioters had threatened them with guns and forced them to leave.
According to a later Red Cross estimate, some 1,256 houses were burned; 215 others were looted but not torched. Two newspapers, a school, a library, a hospital, churches, hotels, stores and many other Black-owned businesses were among the buildings destroyed or damaged by fire.
The East St. Louis Massacre, described in this Riverfront Times article published on the 100th anniversary, is another such incident.
This weekend marks the 100th anniversary of one of the most brutal and shameful episodes of mass violence in American history. Dubbed the East St. Louis "race riot," the events of July 2 and 3, 1917, tore East St. Louis apart and shocked the nation. The violence was largely one-sided, with mobs of armed whites burning hundreds of black homes and beating, lynching and shooting black residents. Most historians estimate that more than 100 people died.
[...]
Although President Woodrow Wilson initially opposed launching a federal investigation, Congress felt otherwise, in light of the fact that the massacre had disrupted wartime industry for more than a week and left hundreds of buildings destroyed. The congressional inquiry's final report was delivered July 6, 1918, and it can be read in full here, though you'll have to make sure you're on page 8,826 and scroll to the the middle of the right-hand column.
The report blasted East St. Louis' corrupt civil government, its incompetent police force and complicit militia members. Presenting a broad of range of competing explanations for the causes of the violence, the report concluded that while labor issues played a role, the underlying driver of the massacre was racial[.]
Although Woodrow Wilson is still held in the highest esteem by progressives, he was, in fact, an incorrigible racist, believing that because of their inferiority, blacks would not benefit from college or university education. The Wilson administration segregated the federal civil service under that same rationale, claiming it was necessary to protect blacks from unfair competition with whites and thus relegating black federal workers to lower level jobs. It was not a coincidence that the worst white-on-black race riots began during the Wilson administration and carried over into the next.
Wilson's prejudices are alive and well today, thanks in large part to Lyndon Johnson's legislation. According to Ronald Kessler’s 1995 book Inside the White House, Johnson bluntly assured two southern governors that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 would have blacks voting Democratic for 200 years. (Johnson's quote was abhorrent in the original.) Having successfully trapped generations of blacks in the endless cycle of inner city poverty, the Great Society serves to instill those prejudices in today's liberals who remain convinced that blacks need their help.
But again, individual prejudices, while racist, are not systemic. The Democratic party's reliance on racism is.
The all-too-common paternalistic liberal belief that blacks aren’t up to the job, and thus need more of a handicap to compensate, is sincerely held and inherently racist. Because bleeding-heart liberalism has permeated government, this racism of low expectations has become systemic in our institutions. In recent years, this racism has also spread to newsrooms where white journalists, who are overwhelmingly liberal in their outlook, have been wokedly acknowledging their own racism and, in the belief that almost everyone holds their same low view of black competence, demanding that others follow suit.
The source of the bleeding-heart liberalism that has permeated our government is the Democratic party. If there was ever a sincere effort to improve the lot of inner city blacks, Democrats might have considered abandoning policies that have failed for the last 50-plus years. Instead, electoral success has encouraged Democrats to double down.
In a sane world, the election of Barack Obama to the U.S. presidency would have been seen as a milestone in race relations. White America embraced a black president. But race relations deteriorated over the course of the Obama presidency. Democrats rely so heavily on accusing their opponents of racist motives that they would not admit that relations had actually improved. They were not about to change a winning formula. It's been a strategy that always got them elected despite substantial opposition to the policies they promote — gun control, open borders, opposition to voter ID verification, to name only a few.
The Democratic party is systemic racism. Until enough Americans see this, race relations will get worse before they get better.